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31

carrying


out anyidea,

i

convene

the people's

congresses,

where

i discuss them, and

i

give effect to them only af ter

obtaining

their


sanction.

There is the Erzurum

Congress,

the Sıvas Congress-and

the living proof, the Grand National

Assembly ... Let them say; we will march on!" Early in 1920

he stated that all power, sovereignty

and governance

rest

directly with the people, whom he desenbed

a year later, in

the following

words:

..... We


are

poor labourers,

a poor

people, striving

to save our existence

and independence.

Let us know our character.

We are a toiling people, forced

to toil for our salvation

and existence. Every one of us has,

therefore,

a right


or a title, which we can earn

only by


virtue

of work. ldlers and those who wish to live without

work have no place in our society." He was the first to utter

radical statements

portraying

the condition

of the Turkish

peasant


in 1922: "Who is the owner and master of Turkey?

The peasant,

that is, the real producer!

Therefore,

he has

the


right

and


title

to

greater

comfort,

happiness

and

affluence

than everyone

else." He believed that the econo-

mic policy

of

the

Government

of

the

Grand

National


Assembly

was directed

towards

the achievement

of this

objective.

He went

on:


..... Let us gather

together,

with

shame


and

reverence,

before

this exalted

master,

whose


blood we have spilt for seven centuries

in different

regions

of the globe,

whose bones we have

left behind

in those

lands, the fruits

of whose toi! we have

expropriated

and

squandered,

whom we have requited

with scom and con-

tempt and whose kindness

and sacrifices

we have repaid

with ingratitude,

insulence,

oppression

aand

the desire to

degrade him into a bondsman."

Mustafa Kemal did not use

the word "people" for or on behaIf of any social class. The

War of National Liberation was fought with the cooperation

of all classes.

By reformism

(or revolutionism),

he meant


that

the


natian

could be and was determined

to "go ahead

on the


path of civilization without rest and without fear". His own

inimitable

summary

of his achievements

was expref.'3ed in

the


following

words:


"A ruined

country


overlooking

a

precipice ... bloody engagements ... long years of war ... and



32

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

[VOL. XX

then a new country, a new society, a new State, brought

to

pass by incessant

reforms, which have won esteem both at

home and abroad.

This is a short epitome of the Turkish

Revolution, as a whole." This summary

is conspicuous

by

the absence of any reference

to the man who brought

about


this great change. He said:

"O ur country will become out-

and-out

modem,


civilized and new ... The masses

want to


be prosperous,

free and affluent ... The nation has decided

to adopt, thoroughly

and in the same form and essence, the

life and

the


means

which


contemporaneous

civilization

has assured

to all nations. The nation is determined

not to

permit centuries-old

varieties of he and fraud to retard, for

a moment,

its efforts in the sphere

of innovation

and re-

form ... We cannot liye within an orbit, shut off from the

rest of the world. For nations, which persist in conserving

certain


traditions

and beliefs which cannot stand the test

of reason, it is not only difficult, but also impossible, to prog-

ress." The modern Turkish society, with its new script, natio-

nal history,

purified


language,

progressing

art,

advanced


music and technical

institutions

as well as equality

of men


and women were the products of this understanding.

These


reforms were, at times, criticized for dealing with the above-

structure

trivia. But in the context of Atatürk's

time and


place, they signified

a cultural

transformation,

with pro-

found symbolic meaning. Secularism

meant the emancipation

from the dungeon

of thoughts

which Atatürk

believed his people were impri-

soned. The proper

way for such release was free researc-

hing and debating

of creative minds. Having felt the limits

of non-secular

life since childhood, Mustafa

Kemal broke

with the hegemony

of the mystic and scholastic

thought.


In his natiye

Macedonia,

he witnessed

how the Turkish

community

was exploited; he saw the instrumentality

of

traditional

and repressive

framework

in this exploitation.

Atatürk's

later scientific approach

and democratic

unders-

tanding


of society are linked

with


his secular

emphasis.

Atatürk

placed secularism

as a fundamental

pillar of his

principles

and equated

it with the freedom of thinking,

as

a method in creating

a society and bridging

the gap with



1980-1981

ı

KEMALISM

33

the advanced

states.

He saw in secularism

a democratic

content, an emancipating

thought and a new attitude

enab-


ling one to grasp universal

values. Religion could no longer

be decisive in creating

social, political, economic, educatio-

nal and artistic

rules and establishments.

Changes

would


be affected and solutions found on compromise as a result

of the democratic

process. No religion

could possibly re-

gulate such changes, and no progress could be made it left

within the confines of beliefs labeled as "sacred". To fight

injustice, repression

or poverty or to understand

the value

of education, problems of production, constitutional

choices

or artistic options, the basis had to be, first and foremost, se-

cular. Governing was like a science, just as building a brid-

ge or erecting a factory. Secularism

was, in short, not only

possible, but also desirable and inevitabIe in our contempo-

rary

world. The practical

results

of this beIief were the

abolishing of the Ministy of Shariat, the Mejalla, the Shariat

Courts, the madrassahs

and some other pious foundations

and the introduction

of secular education.

In a passionate

outburst,

Atatürk


had said:

"We have got to go on. And

we are to progress

whatever


happens. We have no choice

now. Civilization is a blazing fire that burns

and destroys

all who will not pay allegiance

to her!"

Although


statism

became


an officially adopted policy

in 1931, the infIuence of the state

in economic life was a

reality since the proclamation

of the RepubIic. In the early

years


of the regime, there was scarcity

of capital, know-

how and an experience d entrepreneur

class. In a long in-

terview with the daily Vakit,

published on February 18, 1923,

Mustafa Kemal put the economic question as the root cause

of Turkey's rise and fall. Recalling Attornan history in some

detail, he expounded how a gigantic empire was built, using

the Turkish element in it for extending

both the Western

and the Eastem

frontiers. Obliged to adopt a domestic po-

licy to suit such a conduct abroad, the rulers, he reiterated,

took it upon themselves

to protect the different Ianguages,

religions and traditions

of the multi-national

elements they

had conquered,

and to that end, granted

them privileges

and exemptions. As against this, the Turks participated

in


34

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

[VOL. XX

protracted

campaigns

while they should be working

in a

manner


to meet their vital needs in their own homes and in

their own state. The crowned potentates

carried

the Turks

from one land to the other,

and to please

the conquered

people, they gaye away many of the rights and resourC'3S

of the Turks as favours, benefactions

and bounties.

Dİaster

followed when these royal favours were treated

as acquired

rights, The foreigners

were not content with what they gai-

ned. The Grand Porte borrawed

from them so much and on

such exorbitant

terms

that it was impossible

even to pay

interest. At last, the finances

of the Ottoman

State was put

under foreign

control.


Atatürk

drew


several

conelusions

from

the Ottoman

experience.

Addressing

the residents

of the


emancipated

town of Bursa, as printed

in the daily Vakit

of October 21,

1922,

he said:


"The victory in which you rejoice today was

won by the determination

and power of our nation and the

bayonets of the Army of the Grand National Assembly. We

will continue

our struggle

in the field of economy. We will

become manufacturers

... "

In 1923,

he told another Vakit

correspondent

that

the


new Turkish

State would be "an economic state".

A year

earlier, he had diselosed the principle of nationalization

and

sovereignty

over the country's

weatlh:


"One of the most

important

aims of our economic policy is, as far as our fi-

nancial


and technical

means permit, to nationalize

econo-

mic institutions

and

enterprises

directly

concerned

with

public interests ... " This idea of exploitation

of the country's

wealth for the good of the people was accompanied

by eco-

nomic planning,

which Turkey was the second state after

the Soviet Union to apply. Atatürk

even introduced

the idea


of such planning

at the international

leveL. In a statement

to the daily

CumJıuriyet

of August

26, 1935,

he said that it

was essential

for every country

to bring its efforts for Hs

own economic

development

in line with reasonable,

well-

conceived,

over-all

international

plans.

He believed

that

international

potentialities

be so combined as to allow every

nation to develop in accordance

with its own characteristics

and that every nation be conceded the right to apply, within

1980-1981

J

KEMALISM

35

its own confines and with due regard

for its own peculiar

conditions, the generally

accepted ideas as to world econo-

mic prosperity.

IV

it is true that many of Mustafa

Kemal Atatürk's

steps


forward

were seen in the Westem

family of nations,

For


istance,

the concept of republicanism

was bound up with

the Greek and Roman republics.

For centuries,

the struggle

of the city-states for freedom

had kept the republican

idea

alive. In the age when Latin was the language

of the cul-

tured people, the Roman example had even greater

effect.

The Medieval doctrine

was, of course, monarchic.

But the


br8ak

up of Medieval

universalism

opened


the way

for


republicanism.

Both the Renaissance

and the Reformation

were important

for the revival of the republican

ideology.

Numerous

republican

strains

may


be

traced


from

the


English Puritan

to the American

Declaration

of the Inde-

pendence. And the ideas of

1789


claimed universal

validity.

It is also true that the ideas of revolution

first appeared

in

the


American

colonies


and

in

Europe.

Nationalism,

as

expressed

in Montesquieu's

writings


and

the French

En-

lightenment

or Volhsgeist

of the German

romanticists

be-


long to the West. The modem origins of secularism

should


also be traced to the later Middle Ages of Westem

Europe.


And the first examples

of secular

administrations

can be


found in the early American

states. The original

home of

populist


ideas as well as the interventionist

welfare


state

is also in Europe.

But the Turks

considered

Westernization

as synony-

mous

with


modernization

and


"becoming

civilised".

The

aim was to bring the Turkish society to the level of contem-

porary civilisation and culture. Atatürk

aspired a new folk,

with a rational

outlook, characteristic

of our age. He was

imbued with goals of a series of transformations

that inclu-

ded full independence,

economic

development,

industrial

take off, the rule of scientific method over thinking,

effec-

tive and honest government

and the amalgamation

of de-


mocratic

education

with republicanism.

36

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

i

VOL. XX


To become contemporary

meant foremost the maturing

of the economic structure

and the advancement

of indust-

rial


enterprises.

But


no economic

progress


serving

the


nation as a whole was possible without the full independen-

ce of the country. Atatürk knew that there would be foreign

interests

wishing


to intercede

once


they

were conceded

some sort of political or economic presence in the life of the

nation. The remodeling of a society on such an independent

course necessitated

trust


in the principles

of science. The

re-styling of human

relations

could no longer be based on

superstition,

but

the recognition

of the right of science,

culture and arts to rest on independent

thinking.

Such was


alsa the philosophy

of education

during the Atatürk

era.


Modernization

is, of course. not a geographical

term;

it is the totality

of socio-economic structure.

History teac-

hes us that civilisation was never und er the monopoly of a

single nation. When Julius Caesar referred

to the cannibals

in northern

France,

China in the Far East and India

in

South Asia were enjoying a magnificent

civilisation. When

Europe was buried in the obscurities of the Dark Ages, Isla-

mic civilisation had aIready offered to the cultuı;:e of man-

kind AviCenna and Averrhoes.

Similarly. a group of Wes-

tern European

states held the torch of enlightenment

du-


ring a particular

stage of histarical

development.

Wester-


nization.

if express ed politically,

may

mean the idea

of

democraey

Cin the sense of parliamentary

and party

go-

vernment)

and sovereignty

Cin the sense of subordination

of all government

organs


to a sovereign

state);


economi-

cally, it may indicate the substitution

of the factory for the

hand loom and home craft.

But the correct

evaluation

of the West depends,

like


many other

things,


on the

acceptance

of contradictions

within


it. Such omissions, otherwise,

put


us in no better

pasition


than

the blind

men who attempt

to define

an

elephant,

each touching its trunk, leg or tail. The definition

of anything,

as amatter

of fact. rests not only on its com-

posing factors,

but


alsa on elements

which


exert

an İn-


fluence changing its characteristics,

personality

or identity.

Just like a tree has the capacity to turn into coal and earth



1980-1981

ı

KEMALISM

37

as being composed of stems and leaves, the Westem

society

too gathers

in itself contradictions

in terms


of origins

as

well as present

identity.

One sees in the West inquisition

and fascism

on the one hand,

and rationalism

andsocia-

lism on the other. Such a conglameration

is, doubtless,

a

composite of contradictions.

But one cannot be content with

oversimplifications,

either. We have to define

the West as

a community

of states, situated

generally

along the North

Atlantic

coast, which has destroyed

feudalism

in the age

of bourgeois

democratic

revolution

and entered

the path

of capitalist

development

in the Eighteenth

and Nineteenth

Centuries.

To have

entered


this

path


some two-hundred

years ago means that the West has been successful in reali-

zing progressive

steps required

at those histarical

moments.


The societies that accomplished

this forward

move certainly

attained


economic and political superiority

over the rest of

the world. But this

superiority

alsa manifested

itself


as

colonialism and imperialism,

against

which Mustafa

Kemal

had fought and won.

This analysis

is, however, no denial of Western

contri-

butian


to humanism.

But it certainly

takes issue with the

pretension

that

the West


is the sole creatar

of universal

culture.

Mustafa


Kemal never accepted

the assertion

that

all the valu€s which might be termed as humanistic

contri-

butions


had originated

from the West

and that

the non-


Westerners

were perhaps

incapable

of making

any contri-

butian.


it was him who gave self-assurance

and dignity

to

the Turks. He believed in the innate abilities of his nation.

He said that the leadership

derived its entire ardour, enligh-

tenment

and strength

of conscience from the people. There

was an


attempt

to systematize

Kemalism

as an original

mavement,

that could be an example

to the other develo-

ping nations.

v

The


Kadro

mavement


of 1933 and 1934 was an intellec-

tual drive, introduced

by a monthly review bearing

the sa-


me name, to systematize

the principles

of Kemalism. it was

brought


out by six Turkish

intellectuals,

who believed that

i


38

THE TURKISH

YEARBOOK

IVOL. XX


revolutionary

Turkey


was based on principles

peculiar


tc

itself, but these theories needed to be elaborated

as a system

of thought.

Kadro

was published

to serve this very purpose.

This author's

evaIuation

that follows is based

on the ori-

ginal issues

of the said reviewand

alsa on private

talks

with two of its leading

initiators,

namely,


Şevket Süreyya

Aydemir


(1887-1876) and

Yakup


Kadri

Karaosmanoğlu

(1889-1974).

One of the two leading intellectuals

of the Kadro

move-


ment was Şevket Süreyya

Aydemir, whose life looked as if

it was an axis of the great

movements

of his time. Apart

from


his brilliant

autobiography,

The Man in Search

of Water

(Suyu Arayan Adam),

his works

on Enver

Paşa


(three vols.l , Mustafa Kemal (The Unique Man,

three vols.l,

İsmet

İnönü


(The Second Man,

three


vols.)

and


Adnan

Menderes


(The Drama

of Menderes)

may actually

be con-


sidered a series connecting

the events and problems

of the

last one-hundred

years, written

in a resplendentstyle.

Born

in Edirne (Adrianople),

a historlc town on the farthest

Euro-


pean frontier

of Turkey, he found himself as a young

(bare

seventeen)

teacher

serving


in the Caucasus

and embroiled

in the Pan-Turkic

mavement


of the early

191O's. He had

gone to the Turkish-speaking

Azerbaijan

to help unite the

Turks


on the basis of language

and race, but he himself

had fallen there under the influence

of anather

movement,

namely,


the Bolshevik Revolution,

which had engulfed

the

Caucasus


in the early 1920's. Consequent1y, he participated

in the First Congress

of the Asian Peoples in Baku

(Sep-


tember

1920) and

in the

Azerbaijan

Soviet. Bocoming a

member of the Turkish

and the Soviet Communist

Parties,


he spent

same


years

in Moscow

studying

economics

at

the newly-established

Asian

Peoples University.

Upon re-

turning


to Turkey,

he started

writing

in the progressive

Aydınlıl?' (Enlightenmentl.

But gradually

adapting

himself


to the Turkish

envi-


ronment,

he started

to believe that new Turkey would pro-

bably follow a line of development

peculiar

to itself, that

it will not experience

a classical

capitalism,

but will resort

more

and more


to state

Ieadership

and intervention.

He


1980-1981

1

KEMALISM

39

expressed th€se views Cin page 24), as early as 1924, when

he and Prof. Sadreddin

Celal published

Lenin and Leninism,

on the occas ian of the passing

away of the Soviet leader.

Such views later led to schism with his own party and the

Comintern.

This did not, however,

prevent

his arrest

and

conviction to ten years by a court in front of which he de-

fended

univ€rsal

socialism.

He re-gained

his freedam

in

about

a-year-and-a-half,

just


enough for him

to prepare

two works entitled

"Alternatives

of Economic Development

for


Present-Day

Turkey"


and

"Altwnatives

of Political

Development

for Contemporary

Turkey".


He was arrested

once more, but acquitted

at the and, the four-months

impri-


sonment in betwe€n giving him the opportunity

to pr€pare

a paper on "The Periodical Cycles of the Turkish Curr€ncy

and the Need for a Central Bank".

Şevket Süreyya

was aIready

systematizing

same wor-

kable hypothesis

for Turkish

economic development

when


he was given a pasition

in the Ministry

of Education.

The


elementary

train of thought,

traceabl€

in the future

issues

of the monthly

Kadro,

was summarized

in a talk by him,

on January

15, 1931, delivered

at the Turkish

Club in An-

kara.


In his talk, which

Şevket


Süreyya

entitled


as "the

Turkish


Revalutian

and !ts Principles",

he underlined

that


Turkey was still going through

a revalutian,

that this was

neither


an administrative

change,


nar mere

reform,


and

that it had international

significance

in terms of its origi-

nality and influences.

He defended

the view that it passes-

sed all required

theories,

which was not yet systematized.

He suggested

that


a dynamic

cadre of thinkers

ought to

arrange,


organize and classify the principles

of our revalu-

tian and lead it to further

conquests

to meet the demands

of the time. This talk is generally regarded

as the beginning

of the


Kadro

mavement.

The other

creatar


of the Kadro

was Yakup

Kadri,

a leading novelist and a prominent

man of letters. Same fo-

reign critics

have

told this writer

that

Yakup Kadri

was

among the greatest

writers of our century.

Each one of his

novels was a penetrating

study of a different

era. In The Rented Mansion (Kiralık Konak),

he analyzed the declining



40

THE TURKISH

YEARBOOK

[VOL. XX


life of the Tanzimat; in The Night

of Decision

(Hüküm Ge- cesi) ,

he appraised

the breakdown

of the Union and Progress

Mavement

of the Parliamentary

period; in Sodom and Go- mora,

he brought

to the open the life of İstanbul

und er


occupation;

in the Alien

(Yaba.n),

he contrasted

the Anato-

Uan peasant

with the educated

towns-people;

and in An- kara,

he compared

the two states

of the city during

and

af ter the War

of Liberation.

Yakup


Kadri

assessed


each

decade, with i15 political and social characteristics,

coupled

with the perception

of an analytical

man-of-letters

who

could draw superb

literary

profiles.

Yakup

Kadri was the

lin k between

Atatürk


and

the


board

of writers

of the

monthly


review.

it was


him who defended

the


views of

this group of six intellectuals

in front

of Mustafa

KemaL.

Part of Yakup Kadri's

memoirs

mayalsa


be found in the Artificial Diplomat (Zoraki Diplomat).

covering his ambas-

sadorship

to Albania,

Iran and Switzerland.

The


Kadro

mavement


recognized

Atatürk


as the leader

of the Turkish

Revalutian.

However, the elite had failed to

arrange

methodically

the

principles

that

govemed


the

deeds


of the

leader.


The need

for


systematization,

first


mentloued by Şevket Süreyya

in a talk in 1931, was further

elaborated

in his


Revalutian and the Cadre (İnkılap

ve Kadro)

and in the issues of the monthly

review.


What

were the theses elaborated

in them? Contempo-

rary society £in the world) had a signal and dominant

cont-

radiction.

that is, the struggle

between


capitalism

and its


product,

the proletarian

class. According

to this view, the

colonies and the semi-colonies

were only passive

and

de-


pendent entities. The socialist theory expected them to play

a subordinate,

an inferior

role in support

of the working

class.


Kadro

differed


in this interpretation.

it

maintained

that

Turkey


could pass

through


a dissimilar

route


than

one saw in the contemporary

industrialized

societies of the

West. Kadro

maintained

that

(a) Turkey could avoid the

intensive

class struggles

that Europe had experienced,

and


that

(b) the colonies and the semi-colonies

could play a

much


more

substantial,

significant

and


self-reliant

role


than

envisaged

by the dominant

socialist

thinking

of the


1900-1981

ı

KEMALISM

41

time. According

to the Kadro

movement,

then, there were two,

and not just one, international

contradictions

or conf-


licts. In the second conf1ict, Turkey had aIready taken

its


placej moreover,

Turkey


was leading

a movement.

it had

aIready taken a position, in favour of the colonies and the

semi-colonies against

the Western

metropoles

and had sol-

ved that

conflict


(within its own national

boundaries)

in

favour of the former.

Kadro

maintained

that the most di s-

tinctive mark

of Kemalism

was its anti-imperialistic

cha-

racter. By virtue of what it had accompIished,

this country

was aIready an example, aleader

to the group of societies

that resembled

it. Mustafa Kemal had emphasized

as early


as

1923:


"The present

struggle


of Turkey

does not belong

to Turks only. The cause defended by us is the very cause

of aLLoppressed

nations

of the East." And again he said:

"I see the awakening

of the Eastem

peoples as I now see

the sun rising

at daybreak.

Imperialism

and

colonia1İsm

will be swept of the globe, and İn their place will rise an

era, inspired

by a new understanding

of concordance

and

collaboration,

where

there


shall

be no discrimination

of

colour or race."

According

to the


Kadro,

the historical

mission of Tur-

key was two-fold:

(1)

to be a successful

example, for the

entire


dependent

peoples, in frustrating

imperialismj

and


(2)

to eliminate

the gigantic

contradictions

and

conflicts

that the typical industrialized

Western


capitaIist

countries

have 8xperienced. In short, Kadro

believed that such great

internal

upheavals

could be avoided. In the Western

coun-


tries, where prlvate

enterprise

was the center of economic

activity, no miraele had yet been achieved to prevent inter-

class conflict, Kadro

maintained.

One can see a drive

to

create

a "elassless

society"


without

going through

class

struggles

in Atatürk's

speeches


and attitudes

as mu ch as

in the objective

f10w of the Turkish

experience.

But this


required

a systematization

and a methodology

that should

be developed

by an active group of cadres

of leadership.

This


strategy

necessitated,

above all, an interventionist

state


that

would bring

together

all significant

economic

activity that involved advanced

technique

and big capital.

it meant planned

statism encompassing

not only economie

42

THE TURKISH

YEARBOOK

[VOL. XX


life, but alsa

education,

health,

construction

and

similar


topics important

for the society at large.

The Kadro

defended


these views issue after issue, ably

and without falling

into contradictions.

Its main


contribu-

tion, namely, the analysis

pertaining

to the significance

of

movements

of national

liberation

and

Turkey's


place

in

them, may be summarized

as follows:

(l) The movements

of national

liberation

are, by virtue of their historical

origin,


the results

of an economic

and political

conflict between

the colonizing

countries

on the one hand, and the colonies

as well as the semi-colonies on the other. This conflict ema-

nates from the very conditions

created


by the application

of machinery

to industry

and the concentration

of such in-

dustry


in the hands

of a few foreign

centers.

(2) The aim

of the movements

of national

liberation

is to elimina-te this

contradiction,

namely, the dependence

of a group of coun-

tries and peoples on a set of others.

(3) The removal of this

conflict


is possible

not by an introverted

passivity

of the


dependent

societies, but by the active and armed,

national

struggle


of the same a:gainst the dominant

states.


(4) The

ownership

of the means of production

lies at the basis of

the

conflict.

To avoid

falling


from

one contradiction

to

another,


(following victory at the end of a national struggle)

it is necessary

to put advanced

technologyand

important

economic activity under the control of the whole society. 

In

short, the purpose

of the movements

of national

liberation

are two-fold : externally,

to eliminate

political and economic

dependence

of foreign

centers; and internally,

to do away

with class domination

aand hence with class struggles.

(5)


Anather

histarical

mission

of the national

liberation

mo-


vements

is to bring

to an end feudal

relations

and rem-

nan ts of institutions

that suit the Middle Ages as much as

to prevent

the birth of a new class war between

capital and

labour. Kadro

aimed not at the prevention

of the struggles

of the


working

men, but


the dominatian

of the private

entreprenseurs.

it was their

belief that any movement

of

national

liberation

unable


to eradicate

these


two contra-

dictions would, in the final analysis, be termed as deficient,

incompetent

and reactionary.

(6) The Turkish

national


li-

beration


movement,

likewise,

aims at a classless

society


1980-1981

i

KEMALISM

43

nationally

and

the removal

of the world conflict

interna-


tionaIly.

(7)


All the colonial and semi-colonial peoples, irres-

pective of race and language,

are expected to unite in this

double aim.

(8) A mavement

of national

liberation

is not


only

80

political, economic or

80

legal matter;

it is an act of

re-birth


of all nations

participating

or expected

to partici-

pate in such a movement.

(9) Such movements

hold high

the independence

and sovereignty

of the nation.

What

is at stake is not only the conquest of such independence

and

sovereignty,

but also their

maintenance

and development.

Such an aim, by virtue of its nature,

is against

individualis-

tic, group or class hegemonies.

(10) Turkey is a represen-

tative of national

liberation,

because

that


country

has ta-


kGn up arms against

colonialism, which is one of the grea-

test conflicts of our time, and has als o brought

down from

power the forces which represented

the very conflict in the

domestic seene.

A detailed ddense

of these views were taken up by the Kadro.

it tried to define, for the first time among the Third

World countries,

the place, the

importance,

the characte-

ristics

and the probable

results

of the national

liberation

movements and modern Turkey's connection to them.

Kadro

has


considered

itself


80

Kemalist


publication.

it believed

itself to be loyal to the mission of explaining

to the Turks

and the

world at


large

the


system

of Mustafa

KemaJ.'s

thought


and actions.

it defended

the progressive

and the


constructive

aspects of the Turkish Revolution.

There

is no dOll'bt that

the most distinctive

mark


of

Kemalism was its anti-imperialistic

character.

The Turkish

Revolution

ha,s been a source of inspiration

for the elites

and the people of the former

colonies in Asia and Africa.

Turkey's


option for statism

in the early

1930's related

to

ideological

commitments

lying


at

the


basis

of the


new

Republic.

It alsa derived

from


80

pragmatic

consideration

of the country's

economic experiences

during


the first de-

cade of Republica,n

rule.

it was assumed

that

the


state

enterprises

would be more

"national"

than

capitalist

for-

mations and that the state would not encourage

the exploi-

tation of the worker. Moreover, the Western

economy, ba-

44

THE TURKISH YEARBOOK

iVOL. XX

sed on free

enterprise,

was going

through

a big


crisis,

which made it easier for the

Kadro

writers


to defend their

principle

of "transition

to independent

economy".

Premier


İnönü's inaugural

speech on the Sıvas railway line, in which

he emphasized

"moderate

statism",

indicated

a search

for


a new scheme

of economic policies. An artiele

written

by İnönü for the

Kadro,

entitled "The Statist Character

of Our

Party",


reiterated

the necessity

for the state

to lead the

process of industrialization.

Alsa, there was no sizable pri-

vate capital, at that time, that could be nationalized.

Owing


to the effects of world economic crisis, Turkey had suffered

extreme


price faIls in agrarian

products.

FinaIly, Atatürk's

fact-finding

tour of the country

between


October

1930 and


March

1931 had convinced

him of the need of state inter-

ventian


to Iift the peasant

out of his poverty. At its 1931

ConvEmtion, the principle

of statism

was identified

as a


distinguishing

feature


of the

Republican

People's

Party,


and in 1937, the same beeame a Constitutional

artiele.


The

Statc


Plan,

completed

in 1932, laid emphasis

on state


fi-

nancing


of

investments,

produetion

and


marketing

in

textile, mining, chemicals,

paper mill and ceramies.

Turkey


avoided the web of internationalloans

and seeured a growth

rat e of about 9

%.

The

Kadro

mavement


was

a signifieant

attempt

to secure the systematization

of the Turkish Revalutian.

it was


protected

by Atatürk

and İnönü,

but eritieism

and eomp-

laints about the

Kadro

were often made to both. Same Left-

wingers described

it as adiversion

from the Left, and same

Right-wingers

considered

it outright

Marxist.

Diseussion

over it did not cease even after

the


Kadro

stopped


publi-

cation


in 1934.

Whatever


impaet

Kemalism


might have

made


in the

world, espeeiaIly

in terms

of providing

a model for anti-

imperialistie

struggle

and of development,

the Turkish

na-


tion had

found


in Mustafa

Kemal


Atatürk

what


it was

waiting


for the last two-hundred

years. Same nations

pro-

duce, at eritical periods, just the man to match the chaIlen-

ge of time. Such

was the fortune

of Turkey.

With


elear

visian, Atatürk

refashioned anatian.

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